Showing posts with label Government of Cuba. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Government of Cuba. Show all posts

Saturday, July 27, 2013

— Associated Press
— Cuba celebrated the 60th anniversary of the onset of its revolution Friday, with the aging Communist leader who took part in the initial failed uprising vowing to focus the future on younger generations that have been slow to come to power.

Wearing an olive-green military uniform and a broad-brimmed hat against the sun, President Raul Castro spoke to a crowd of thousands outside a military barracks still visibly pockmarked with bullet holes from the 1953 assault that is considered the beginning of the rebellion. Castro was just 22 when he followed his older brother Fidel's lead in a seemingly suicidal attack on the Moncada barracks in the eastern city of Santiago, along with more than 100 other mostly youthful rebels opposed to strongman Fulgencio Batista. "The years have passed, but this continues to be a revolution of young people, as we were on July 26, 1953," Castro said. The Moncada raid was a disaster for the rebels, and many of them were tortured and killed. But it helped make Fidel Castro the focus of opposition to Batista, whom he overthrew six years later after surviving prison and exile, transforming him into a hero for revolutionaries around the globe. Yet the youthful insurgents of 1953 and 1959, many of them now in their 80s, still hold key positions of power in Cuba. While Raul Castro has led a series of economic and political reforms, young leaders are just now beginning to emerge.
Earlier this year, 53-year-old Miguel Diaz-Canel was named vice president and became the first person not of the revolutionary generation to hold the No. 2 spot. "The historic generation is giving way to the new saplings with tranquility and serene confidence, based on (their) demonstrated preparation and capacity for maintaining the revolution and socialism," Castro said. At Friday's ceremony, a giant banner hanging from the barracks with an image of Fidel Castro raising a triumphant fist was the only sign of the retired leader. A near-fatal intestinal illness forced him from office seven years ago, and he rarely appears in public these days.
In speeches, allied leaders recalled Moncada as an act that inspired rebellion, both armed and political, across the Americas in the decades that followed. "The history of Latin America can best be understood if we mark a before and an after the assault on the Moncada barracks," said Ecuadorean Foreign Minister Ricardo Patino. "Fundamentally this was a revolution of dignity, of self-esteem for Latin Americans," said Uruguayan President Jose Mujica, who joined an armed leftist guerrilla group in his own country in the 1960s and was imprisoned for more than a decade. "It seeded us with dreams, it filled us with (the spirit of Don) Quixote." The July 26 holiday is sometimes used to make major announcements or address current affairs, but Castro hardly strayed from the past tense in a speech almost entirely focused on history. He did not mention a shipment of Cuban weaponry recently seized in Panama on its way to North Korea. Nor did he address the ongoing saga of National Security Agency leaker Edward Snowden and his quest for asylum beyond the reach of U.S. law enforcement.
And there was no new word about the future of Castro's reforms, which have seen changes such as the legalization of home and car sales, relaxed restrictions on foreign travel and limited openings for independent small businesses and cooperatives. One of the Cuban government's most outspoken critics, dissident blogger Yoani Sanchez, was unimpressed. "A nation cannot be represented and led by men who have more memories than projects," Sanchez tweeted.
Castro also extolled recovery efforts after Hurricane Sandy walloped Santiago last year, and echoed common talking points such as Havana's demand that four Cuban agents sentenced to long prison terms in the United States on spy charges be returned. Meanwhile allies including Venezuela's Nicolas Maduro, Bolivia's Evo Morales and Nicaragua's Daniel Ortega heaped praise on Havana and bashed capitalism and the United States, railing against "imperialism" and the 51-year-old U.S. embargo against Cuba. "We condemn the criminal, illegal blockade perpetrated by the world's biggest power against our brother people," Patino said. "The backyard of the United States," he said, "is no longer in Latin America."

Thursday, July 21, 2011

Castro Regime's Survival Depends Greatly on Ill Venezuelan Leader's Largess

WSJ.com
JULY 20, 2011
In Cuba, a Prayer for Chávez
By JOSé DE CóRDOBA
CARACAS—Venezuela's ailing President Hugo Chávez says he is praying to Jesus Christ, the Blessed Virgin and the spirits of the Venezuelan savannah to help him beat his cancer.
Mr. Chávez hasn't mentioned it, but probably no one is praying harder for his health than Fidel and Raúl Castro in Cuba. Their ossified regime now largely depends on help from their ally in Caracas and they will do everything possible—short of an invasion—to keep Mr. Chávez or a like-minded ally in power, say U.S. officials, Venezuelan opposition leaders and analysts. Venezuela ships about 115,000 barrels per day of oil at cut rate prices to Cuba, meeting about 60% of the island's oil needs, according to a recent Brookings Institution paper, which calculates the value of the oil and other Venezuelan aid at about $5 billion a year, a major portion of Cuba's hard-currency earnings. In exchange, Cuba has sent to Venezuela tens of thousands of Cuban doctors, sports technicians, and intelligence and security experts, helping Mr. Chávez stay in power. Havana's relationship to Venezuela is akin to its economic dependence on the former Soviet Union in the 30 years before the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, which led to a 35% fall in Cuba's economy.

"To save Chávez is to conserve [Raúl's] presidential seat," wrote Yoani Sánchez, a well-known Cuban blogger and critic of the regime. "To lose him could lead to [Raúl's] own downfall."

Were Mr. Chávez to become gravely ill—he arrived in Havana Saturday to undergo chemotherapy after doctors recently removed a "baseball-sized" tumor—the Cuban government is likely to use its sway to try to shape events. Analysts say the Cuban leadership has significant clout, owing to its relationship with Mr. Chávez and top Venezuelan officials. The Cubans could also deploy their intelligence services to help one faction at the expense of another. "Cuba is the most important foreign power with a stake in Venezuela," said Moisés Naím, a former Venezuelan cabinet minister and an analyst at the Washington-based Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. "They are not going to be passive bystanders. They will be players." There is no political relationship in the Americas quite like the tie between Fidel Castro and Mr. Chávez. Mr. Castro, who officially handed power to his younger brother Raúl in 2008, has been a mentor, spiritual and political father, savior, psychiatrist, and even bedside doctor to Mr. Chávez. In return, Mr. Chávez has bankrolled Cuba's government and given Mr. Castro occasion to dream again of a Latin America united against his bëte noire, the U.S., or as both men sometimes call it, "the empire."

At times, Mr. Chávez and top Cuban officials have talked of melding the two countries into a single confederated state—an unpopular idea among most Venezuelans. "Cuba has two presidents, Fidel and Chávez," said then Cuban vice president Carlos Lage on a visit to Caracas in 2005. Two years later, the Venezuelan president said virtually the same thing. "Deep down, we are one government," said Mr. Chávez during a visit to the island.

During his tenure, Mr. Chávez has tried to indoctrinate the Venezuelan military, bringing on thousands of advisers to replicate Cuban military doctrine, and to deal with security and intelligence issues. Cuban officers are deeply involved in intelligence and security matters in Venezuela, from the acquisition of military equipment to overall military strategy, according to people with knowledge of the matter. One source estimates the number of Cuban intelligence experts working in Venezuela at 3,000. Last year, Brig. Gen. Antonio Rivero, once the head of Venezuela's civil defense, resigned his commission because of what he said was Cuban interference and influence at all levels of the armed forces. Shortly after, he was accused of revealing state secrets and forbidden by a judge from speaking publicly about the military. On Tuesday, Jorge Giordani, Venezuela's finance minister, said there was no doubt Mr. Chávez would run for re-election in 2012. Nonetheless, if Mr. Chávez dies or is too ill to run, his movement, divided by money, ambition, ideology and economic interest, will have a difficult time fielding a candidate who satisfies all factions, analysts say. The Cubans could push for Adan Chávez, Mr. Chávez's elder brother, now a state governor and a former ambassador to Cuba. "They will pick a horse, or more than one horse," Mr. Naim said.

"A negotiation will involve the Cubans," said Alexander Luzardo, an ex-senator and former Chávez supporter. "We will need to talk to them."

Mr. Chávez's relationship with Mr. Castro dates to 1994 when the Cuban dictator invited Mr. Chávez, then an obscure cashiered lieutenant colonel and failed coup plotter recently released from prison, to Havana. Mr. Chávez was given the red-carpet treatment, and even gave a speech to students at the University of Havana. "Fidel saw that in Chávez he had a diamond in the rough," said a former Chávez cabinet minister. "He turned on the full force of his charm and started to work on Chávez."The relationship blossomed when Mr. Chávez, riding a wave of revulsion against corruption, won the presidency in a landslide victory in 1998. Mr. Castro's blessing of Mr. Chávez's "Bolivarian Revolution" endowed the tank commander with revolutionary legitimacy. In return, Mr. Chávez's billions in oil money and his admiration of the Cuban leader have afforded Mr. Castro a chance to extend his revolutionary philosophy, at least by proxy. In 2000, Mr. Chávez took Mr. Castro on a trip to his dusty hometown of Sabaneta in the southern plains state of Barinas. There, Mr. Castro suggested that in 100 years pilgrims would flock to visit Mr. Chávez' humble house, said Luis Miquilena, a former Venezuelan Interior Minister who was on the trip. Mr. Chávez was overcome by Mr. Castro's flattery, Mr. Miquilena said.

A glimpse of how seriously Havana takes the relationship, and the risks should Mr. Chávez leave the stage, was on full display in 2002, when Mr. Chávez was ousted briefly by army generals. Mr. Castro assumed a major role in Mr. Chávez's return to power, as he helped mobilize support among Venezuelan generals and world leaders. Mr. Chávez' return was a lucky break for the Cuban regime. In the 48 hours that Mr. Chávez was out of power, thousands of Venezuelans who were angry over Havana's outsized role in their government surrounded the Cuban embassy in Caracas, demanding the new Venezuelan government cut off ties between the two countries. Meanwhile, Venezuelan officials mulled ending oil shipments to the island. Two years later, Mr. Castro sent thousands of doctors to man Mr. Chávez' neighborhood health program, known as Barrio Adentro,a move that helped revive Mr. Chávez' popularity.

More recently, Cuba last year sent Ramiro Valdez, the regime's legendary secret policeman, on an extended visit to Venezuela, ostensibly to advise Mr. Chávez on Venezuela's spluttering electrical grid. Another leading Cuban official has been a top adviser on Venezuelan agricultural and food issues. Last month, Mr. Chávez credited Mr. Castro, in almost religious terms, with being the first in realizing the Venezuelan leader was ill during his recent trip to Havana."We were...with Fidel, that giant who has surmounted time and place," said Mr. Chávez when he announced for the first time that he had cancer. "He interrogated me almost as a doctor, and I confessed, almost as a patient."

Write to José de Córdoba at jose.decordoba@wsj.com

Sunday, January 9, 2011

Castro convierte a Ramiro Valdés en su superministro

By SOLEDAD ALVAREZ / EFE, LA HABANA

El Nuevo Heraldo, 9 de Enero del 2011

Con la última remodelación del gobierno cubano, el comandante Ramiro Valdés asumirá la supervisión de un estratégico frente económico que incluye la industria petrolera, la minera, la construcción y las comunicaciones. Recién comenzado un año que estará marcado por el plan de reformas económicas emprendido en la isla, el presidente Raúl Castro ha vuelto a mover su gabinete para sustituir a los ministros de Informática y Comunicaciones y de Construcción, así como al responsable del Instituto Nacional de Recursos Hidráulicos.

En este cambio, Ramiro Valdés, de 78 años y también vicepresidente del Consejo de Ministros, ha quedado ``liberado'' como titular de Informática y Comunicaciones pero para ``facilitar'' su labor de coordinación tanto de este departamento como de los de Construcción y de Industria Básica. Este último ministerio tiene bajo su responsabilidad tres importantes sectores de la economía cubana: la energía (que comprende todas las actividades vinculadas al petróleo y la electricidad), la geología y minería, y la química básica.

Está dirigido por un titular interino desde noviembre, cuando Raúl Castro destituyó a la ministra Yadira García Vera por su ``pésimo trabajo'' reflejado en ``débil control'' de los recursos: así lo explicó el propio gobernante en el discurso ante la Asamblea Nacional del pasado 18 de diciembre. Desde su nueva posición, Valdés también supervisará el Ministerio de la Construcción, cuyo nuevo titular es el ingeniero civil René Mesa, de 52 años, en sustitución de Fidel Figueroa, destituido por ``errores'' en su función. Esa labor de coordinación incluye a su anterior ministerio: el de Informática y Comunicaciones, para el que Castro ha nombrado como ministro a Medardo Díaz Toledo, un general de brigada de 48 años que fue jefe de Comunicaciones de las Fuerzas Armadas.

Analistas consultados por EFE coincidieron en que Valdés se ha convertido en una especie de ``superministro'' al asumir la coordinación de un conjunto de sectores que concentran la ``masa crítica'' de las inversiones y proyectos estratégicos del país. Considerado un ``histórico'' de la revolución desde la guerrilla de la Sierra Maestra, Ramiro Valdés ha desempeñado diversas funciones en los últimos 50 años como la creación de los servicios de inteligencia y su gestión al frente del Ministerio del Interior, entre otras. Tras un largo periodo alejado de la cúpula gubernamental, Raúl Castro lo recuperó en 2006 al nombrarlo ministro de Informática y Comunicaciones.

Los últimos cambios del gabinete cubano, anunciados en la noche del jueves, han incluido el nombramiento de una nueva presidenta del Instituto Nacional de Recursos Hidráulicos, Inés María Chapman, de 44 años, quien desde marzo coordinaba las obras de rehabilitación hidráulica de la ciudad oriental de Santiago de Cuba, una función que seguirá ejerciendo. Esos movimientos se producen en un momento en el que Cuba está sumida en el debate sobre el plan de ajustes que Raúl Castro impulsa para superar la crítica situación económica del país.

Esta misma semana ha arrancado una de las medidas más drásticas de ese plan: la supresión masiva de empleos en el sector público para reducir las abultadas plantillas de empleados estatales. A lo largo de su mandato, Raúl Castro ha acometido numerosos cambios en el gobierno, el más profundo de ellos ocurrió en marzo del 2009, con la salida definitiva del Ejecutivo de cuatro vicepresidentes y ocho ministros.